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August 16, 2007

Monarki er forskjellsbehandling

Etter mitt innlegg om monarkiet i Aftenposten, deltok jeg i en debatt på Kanal 24 sammen med en hyggelig kar fra Høyre. Han representerte de som var glade i kongehuset og ønsket fortsatt monarki. Jeg representerte de som ønsket at Norge skulle bli en republikk.

Grunnloven legger føringer på hva slags livssyn Kongen må ha, hva slags yrke barna til Kongens må ha, hvordan man må gå frem når man skal be Kongen om tillatelse til å gifte seg. Barna i kongefamilien forfølges av mediene på vegne av monarkistene, som alltid vil ha mer kongestoff som de kan meske seg med.

Da jeg spurte politikeren fra Høyre om han selv hadde godtatt de rigide begrensninger som Grunnloven setter for kongefamilien, svarte han nei. Selvsagt, aldri i livet. Han ville ikke at hans egne familieforhold skulle være fastlagt i lovverket, han ville ikke at hans egen frihet skulle begrenses. Han ville ikke at hans egen familie skulle måtte leve i offentlighetens søkelys. Jeg spurte videre om hvordan han da kunne godta monarkiet. Han svarte: ”Det er vel greit. Jeg er monarkist.”

Så mye for Høyres liberale prinsipper! Hva med likhet for loven? Min motdebattant ville naturligvis ikke at hans egen familie skulle utsettes for forventninger fra alle og enhver, men å tre dette ned over hodet på en annen familie, derimot, det var en helt annen sak.

Jeg har stor sans for flere av Høyres politikere. De tar ofte prinsipielt stilling for demokratiet, mot diktatur (se for eksempel Torbjørn Røe Isaksens gode artikkel om de problematiske sidene ved å drive business med Kina). Høyrepolitikere kan også være dyktige til å forklare hvorfor markedsøkonomi og teknologisk utvikling er et gode i seg selv.

Men på den andre siden har man i Høyre tendenser til verdikonservatisme, både i forhold til overtroisk humbug og i forhold til det antikvariske kongehuset. Denne konservatismen deles av et segment av den norske venstresiden, av de som ofte kalles ”nasjonalvenstre.” Denne delen av venstresiden kjemper mot overnasjonalitet, er skeptisk til et åpent, europeisk arbeidsmarked og ønsker å dysse ned kritikken av monarkiet.

La oss forestille oss at vi skulle ha skrevet ny grunnlov i dag: Hva hadde vi tatt med? I øyeblikket hvor vi ser for oss hva det norske samfunnet kan bli i fremtiden, vil det også bli lettere for oss å formulere de prinsippene og rettighetene som best egner seg i en ny, norsk konstitusjon. En slik konstitusjon vil kunne bli fremtidsrettet, radikal og kan etablere et gjensidighetsforhold mellom borger og stat som verden til nå ikke har sett maken til.

Et av argumentene som høyrepolitikeren brukte i radiodebatten med meg, var at ”over 80% av nordmenn ønsker å bevare kongehuset.” Så hvorfor skulle man da diskutere republikk? Vel, hvorfor skal man diskutere prinsipielle sider ved samfunnet vårt i det hele tatt? Jeg har en mistanke om at folket kan endre syn i dette spørsmålet. Resultatet kan bli en moderne, sekulær norsk republikk.

Relatert: Slipp de kongelige fri. Folket bør si ifra seg monarkiet.

August 15, 2007

Gratulerer, India!

15. august 1947 vant India sin selvstendighet. Staten som ble etablert skulle være sekulær og fremme sameksistens mellom indere med ulik etnisk bakgrunn. Desto viktigere: India valgte å etablere et demokratisk styresett i en del av verden som mange hevdet var ute av stand til modernisering og folkestyre. Seksti år senere er fortsatt India et pluralistisk demokrati. Staten er fortsatt sekulær. India har gjort fordommene til skamme.

Selv om 80% av indere er hinduer, har flere av regjeringsmedlemmene annen bakgrunn – blant ministrene finner man kristne, sikher, tamiler og muslimer. Her scorer India høyt, sammenliknet med den norske regjeringen. (Dårligere er det med kjønnsfordelingen…) Siden 2004 har den indiske økonomien vokst med 8% årlig. Dette har India oppnådd uten noen form for vestlig styrt ”nasjonsbygging.” Dette er Indias egen bragd.

En fordel ved å ikke ha reist dit ennå, er at jeg fortsatt kan drømme om India.

Elie Faure om India:

“Man is no longer at the center of life. He is no longer that flower of the whole world, which has slowly set itself to form and mature him. He is mingled with all things, he is on the same plane with all things, he is a particle of the infinite, neither more nor less important than the other particles of the infinite. The earth passes into the trees, the trees into the fruits, the fruits into man or the animal, man and the animal into the earth; the circulation of life sweeps along and propagates a confused universe wherein forms arise for a second, only to be engulfed and then to reappear, overlapping one another, palpitating, penetrating one another as they surge like the waves. Man does not know whether yesterday he was not the very tool with which he himself will force matter to release the form that he may have tomorrow. Everything is merely an appearance, and under the diversity of appearances, Brahma, the spirit of the world, is a unity … Lost as he is in the ocean of mingled forms and energies, does he know whether he is still a form or a spirit? Is that thing before us a thinking being, a living being even, a planet, or a being cut in stone? Germination and putrefaction are engendered unceasingly. Everything has its heavy moment, expanded matter beats like a heart. Does not wisdom consist in submerging oneself in it, in order to taste the intoxication of the unconscious as one gains possession of the force that stirs in matter?”

Drømme om India kunne også Henry Miller:

”Yes, I loved this immense, staggering world of the Indian which, who knows, I might one day see with my own eyes. I loved it not because it was alien and remote, for it was really closer to me than the art of the West; I loved the love from which it was born, a love which was shared by the multitude, a love which could never have come to expression bad it not been of, by and for the multitude. I loved the anonymous aspect of their staggering creations. How comforting and sustaining to be a humble, unknown worker—an artisan and not a genius!—one among thousands, sharing in the creation of that which belonged to all. To have been nothing more than a water carrier—that had more meaning for me than to become a Picasso, a Rodin, a Michelangelo or a da Vinci.”

Sitatene er fra Nexus. Les også Shikha Dalmias intervju med Salman Rushdie, hvor noen av Indias skyggesider diskuteres.

August 13, 2007

Folket bør si i fra seg monarkiet

Hvem misunner Märtha Louise den situasjonen som monarkistene nå har satt henne i? På den ene siden har du de som mener hun burde fortsette som prinsesse, på den andre siden har du de som er skuffet over henne og mener hun bør gå av. Dette er en intern debatt blant monarkistene.

Det er dårlig gjort å tvinge mennesker til å ta slike valg – ”på vegne av nasjonen.” Ingen burde bli utsatt for et slikt press. De kongelige har aldri bedt om å bli satt i en slik situasjon. De har blitt født inn i dette dilemmaet ved at folket har tviholdt på en antikvarisk statsform.

Problemet er ikke hva de kongelige gjør. Problemet er at vi har et konstitusjonelt monarki.

Hvis vi skulle ha skrevet en ny Grunnlov i dag: Hvordan hadde vi gått frem?

Vi hadde antakelig ønsket å nedfelle noen fundamentale rettigheter for alle borgere. Vi hadde ønsket å sikre oss en rettsstat. Vi hadde ønsket frie valg, et folkestyre. Vi hadde ønsket å etablere et Storting. Vi hadde likt å sett at den utøvende makt ble ledet av en Regjering som sprang ut av folkeforsamlingen. Vi hadde skrevet Grunnloven på norsk, ikke dansk. Vi kunne ha antydet noen prinsipper som vi ønsket at samfunnet vårt skulle bygge på. Vi hadde selvsagt latt livssyn være en sak for den enkelte, ikke noe som staten skulle bestemme eller finansiere.

Dette høres ut som en bra start. Jeg kan ikke se for meg at noen hadde kommet løpende og sagt:

”Neimen, vent nå litt. Vi glemte en sak! Vi må føye til i Grunnloven at vi ønsker at rollen som statsoverhode skal gå i arv innen én bestemt familie. Vi krever å få en kongefamilie – en familie komplett med eget slott, eiendommer, båter og hester. En familie som vi kan kommentere kjolene til. Det skal bli spennende å se hvem de velger seg som partnere når de skal gifte seg! Vi vil ha en familie som vi kan lese om i ukebladene.”

Selv om monarkistene, mot formodning, hadde fått igjennom et slikt grunnlovsforslag, hadde de umiddelbart støtt på et nytt problem: Hvem skulle være med i denne familien? Monarkistene vil jo ikke stemme frem hvem som skal være medlemmer av kongefamilien. De kongelige må fødes.

En slik ordning hadde unektelig fremstått som noe merkverdig.

August 09, 2007

Slipp de kongelige gislene fri

Norge er et kristent kongerike, et konstitusjonelt monarki. Rollen som statsoverhode skal gå i arv innen én familie. Selv om rollen er symbolsk i forhold til politikk, er denne rollen overhodet ikke symbolsk for de individene som fra fødselen av har fått en slik rolle trædd ned over hodene sine. Barna i kongefamilien er født kjendiser, uten at de selv får et ord med i laget. De skal tilfredsstille kikkertrangen til en hel nasjon. Hvis du har sett filmen "The Truman Show", om et barn som vokser opp i et reality show, skjønner du hva slags urett som monarkiet påfører denne familien.

Se for deg hvordan en slik familieorganisering hadde fungert for deg: Ønsker du ikke at dine egne barn skal kunne velge yrke fritt (i motsetning til § 6 i Grunnloven)? Ønsker du ikke at dine egne barn fritt skal kunne velge livssyn (i motsetning til § 4 i Grunnloven)? Ønsker du ikke at dine egne barn skal få velge partner uten at vedkommende offisielt må godkjennes av familieoverhodet (i motsetning til § 36 i Grunnloven)? Kongefamiliens arverekkefølge, eiendommer og status overfor folket er grunnlovsfestet. Hvordan hadde du reagert om riksantikvaren en dag gikk ut i mediene og krevde å få utlevert all privat korrespondanse mellom deg og dine foreldre?

Det siste spørsmålet er ikke bare hypotetisk. For noen år tilbake ønsket riksantikvaren å få alle brevene mellom prinsesse Ragnhild og hennes far, kong Olav, deponert i Riksarkivet. Brevene var av historisk interesse for nasjonen, ble det hevdet. Men hvorfor skulle dette hensynet veie tyngre enn prinsesse Ragnhilds rett til et privatliv? Monarkiet gjør ikke bare de kongelige til slaver, men alle oss andre til kikkere.

Familien er utsatt for avsindige forventninger og oppmerksomhet fra alle og enhver som føler at de har rett til å få vite alt om "sin" kongefamilie. Det er forståelig dersom Märtha Louise opplever oppmerksomheten rundt hennes personlige veivalg som en påkjenning. For monarkistene spiller det en stor rolle hva de kongelige holder på med - hvem de gifter seg med, hva slags privatliv de har. For republikanerne er dette uvesentlig.

Monarkidebatten burde handle om hva slags stat vi ønsker å ha, ikke hva slags levende totempæler folket skal dyrke. Kongen er tenkt å være en samlende figur i situasjoner hvor samfunnet blir satt under store prøvelser. Gjennom den kongelige såpeoperaen som vi til daglig kan følge i mediene, skal vi ledes til å tro at kongen eller dronningen vokter over oss, generasjon etter generasjon.

I en slik symbolverden er borgerne tildelt rollene som passive tilskuere, istedenfor myndiggjorte aktører. Enten blir de kongelige symboler på den heroisme som vi selv mangler, eller de blir gjort til sonoffer for de synder vi ikke ønsker å vedkjenne oss.

Uansett hvordan vi snur og vender på det, er det folket - vi - som lar denne teateroppsetningen rulle og gå ved at vi unnlater å ta den eneste riktige og humanistiske avgjørelsen: Å avskaffe kongedømmet.

En slik avvikling vil gi dem som i dag holdes som nasjonens gisler, et mer verdig liv. Hvorfor skal kvinnene i denne spesielle familien være pålagt å avle frem regenter for folket? Tenk bare på Ingrid Alexandra, et lite barn som skal presses inn i rollen som statsoverhode, enten hun vil det eller ikke. Hvorfor skal hun måtte legge alternative drømmer for fremtiden til side, bare for å tilfredsstille monarkistene? Arrangerte familieforhold pleier ellers å bli møtt med hoderysting i vårt samfunn.

Men å dømme et barn til et liv i offentlighetens søkelys, er tydeligvis noe som flertallet synes er uproblematisk. Hensynet til Ingrid Alexandras fremtid alene er grunn nok til å kvitte oss med denne nedverdigende statsformen. Etableringen av en norsk republikk vil slippe våre prinser og prinsesser fri. Vi skal heller ikke undervurdere hva slags renselse dette vil innebære for oss - som samfunnsborgere. Det er en myte at det hjelper å sette vår lit til "Kongen" i en situasjon hvor samfunnet er truet.

Det er alltid gjennom personlig mobilisering for vitale prinsipper som frihet, rettferdighet og solidaritet at et fellesskap kan få utrettet noe som helst. Staten Norge har i dag en grunnlovfestet symbolikk basert på kongelig blod, nasjonal selvråderett og luthersk-evangelisk kristendom. Det er få politikere som tør utfordre status quo. Resultatet er en verdikonservatisme som paralyserer.

Mange bekymrer seg over at fellesskapsfølelsen i samfunnet er under press. De mener at kongehuset spiller en viktig rolle for nasjonens samhold. La meg derfor legge til følgende: Det finnes flere måter å være en patriot på. Det som imponerer meg med dette samfunnet, er prinsipper som sosial rettferdighet og personlig frihet. Disse antiautoritære prinsippene utgjør en symbiose av det beste som sosialdemokrati og kapitalisme har å tilby.

Resultatet er et samfunn med høy materiell velferd og godt etablerte egalitære løsninger. Definisjonen av frihet inkluderer individets rett til å få utdanning og helsetjenester tilrettelagt av fellesskapet. En patriotisme basert på slike prinsipper er i mine øyne mer verd enn en nasjonalfølelse koblet til symboler. Videre er sosial rettferdighet og frihet knyttet til individet, ikke nasjonen. Prinsippene kan derfor anvendes universelt. Dette er noe av årsaken til at den skandinaviske modellen vekker interesse internasjonalt - slik vi nylig har sett uttrykt av Europakommisjonen og av latinamerikanske sosialdemokrater.

I Norge trenger vi en grunnleggende debatt om hvilke prinsipper vi ønsker å legge til grunn for samfunnet. Monarki eller republikk? Statskirke eller sekulær stat? Ved å kvitte oss med monarkiet tar vi et skritt i retning av en statsforfatning som tydeligere markerer at makten springer ut av folket. (Ordet "demokrati" kom først inn i Grunnloven i 2004, i ny paragraf 100.) Statsoverhodet bør utpekes etter frie valg, ikke gå i arv innen én familie.

Vi har ingen grunn til å frykte at oppslutningen om fellesskapet vil bli mindre ved en annen statsforfatning. Tvert imot: Se bare på Frankrike og USA. I hvilke land i verden ser man en større patriotisme for staten, enn i disse to republikkene, skapt av folket? De som frykter en oppløsning av den norske nasjonen, er opptatt av symboler - i motsetning til prinsipper. Men om vi først skal være opptatt av symbolikk: Ifølge Grunnloven er Norge et kongerike med en evangelisk-luthersk statskirke. Hva symboliserer det?

Fra Aftenposten 08.08.2007. Tegn abonnement her.

August 07, 2007

To be alike is to think alike

We were invited to the San Felipe Pueblo, Katishtya, New Mexico, where we attended the Green Corn Dance. The Pueblo of San Felipe is a Native American tribe part of the Keresan speaking people. In the town square, a group of twenty or so men stood in the centre, singing, to the beat of a gigantic pounding drum. Hundreds of dancers circled the singers, using gourd rattles to accompany the beat. Many held sprigs of evergreen. The male dancers wore white buckskin moccasins, white kilts and red body paint. The upper torso, arms and legs of the men were nude. The female dancers had black shawls, red belts and were barefooted. Dust covered the thousands of spectators who stood quietly watching the dance, in front of their houses, from balconies, rooftops and the alleys leading to the square. Their insistence on not transforming it into a tourist extravaganza – by not marketing it, and by prohibiting the use of cameras, sketching or recording equipment – made the celebration unique. Being among the few non-natives in the pueblo, my girlfriend and I might perhaps have felt a bit out of place, but there was neither any extraordinary hospitality granted us, nor a trace of hostility from anyone we talked to.

As it happened, our return to Oslo coincided with anther annual celebration, the 17th of May celebrations of the Norwegian nation. The day officially marks the signing of the Norwegian Constitution of 1814. It has become an event with flag-waiving schoolchildren in parades and grown-ups dressed in their traditional costumes, the bunad. Different districts of Norway have their own distinct bunad. In Oslo the parades pass the King’s Castle, where the royal family stands on the balcony each year, waving to the crowds below. National television covers the celebrations from all over the country. The Norwegian constitution from 1814 has, of course, been revised a number of times. Two thirds of the original constitution was preoccupied with regulating what kind of king Norway ought to have, what religion the King should have, and how he should behave. The other paragraphs of the Constitution made the error of establishing an official state church, and took great care to specify that no Jews or Jesuits should be allowed to enter the kingdom. The Constitution was apparently written by a tribe completely ignorant of such thinkers as Jefferson, Lafayette, Voltaire, Montesquieu and Franklin. My return to the Norwegian nation put my experiences of our American road trip in another perspective.

*

We drove from New York to San Diego and back. Driving, day after day within this enormous Superpower, the vastness of the continent started to sink in. We drove as far as we could get in a day, through landscapes that seemed untouched by humans. At night we found a motel. With all our belongings for the trip in the trunk of the car, we could have continued driving forever. After a while, some sort of calm sunk over us, and we were no longer talking and discussing things, like we usually do. It was as if we had achieved some sort of mysterious fusion of identities. Thinking back, it seems perverse that we could sit, silently, all day in that rented car. At some point we somehow kept our secrets to ourselves and became a duo of alien intelligence officers, roaming around for the quintessential American experience. But we were not really undercover. Everyone immediately took us for overseas cosmopolitans. My girlfriend looking like an Ethiopian Empress wearing huge sunglasses, odd rigs on her fingers. And I, with my long hair, was always being asked how old I was when buying cigarettes. That distrust flattered me, though. Despite the strong-willed enforcement of tobacco laws, I have never travelled in a country where I have met a more informal and kind people.

At night, when we went to sleep, I had a recurring dream from the road, immediately after closing my eyes. I travelled through a landscape, continuing in the same speed as I had done by day. Sitting behind the wheels strained me – but that was nothing compared to the stress of my dreams. I was suspended in air. The car was a spaceship. Objects passed by. Lunch was presented by pink-skinned highway patrol officers with cowboy hats. Nature was morphing, constantly taking on new shapes. Canyons transformed themselves into skyscrapers, clouds crystallized into traffic choppers over L.A., then became eagles. Waking up, I was exhausted. At the end of our journey I started longing desperately for Manhattan again, just to be able to stop. I imagined getting there, slurping a life-saving espresso, sitting down at a café and feeling the warmth from a thousand strangers. And that was exactly what happened.

Back in New York, walking the streets after returning our car to the rental office, we could relax. Taking the A-train out to Brooklyn, walking past down-and-out crack heads, we found sanctuary with our wonderful Mom. Although she was concerned about kidnappings in Trinidad and the like, she was doing just fine. Sitting in the kitchen, talking gossip from New York and the Islands with Mom and Lisa, we felt at home. We worked hard to secure promises of life-saving curry powder shipments. In the living room, I remember seeing the flags of both the United States and Trinidad and Tobago. According to sociologist Zygmunt Baumann, every individual of our family ought to be having a crisis of identity because of conflicting loyalties, globalisation and the like. Not a trace of any such thing. The only people having a crisis are those who have made it their business to knead the identity of others.

The day after, back in Manhattan, it was the beginning of May, people looked exhausted. They were pale and bewildered. The sun broke through the clouds. Could it be, that summer finally was arriving in New York, this year as well? One should never take this event for granted. You could sense a feeling of relief at Union Square. My girlfriend took dozens of pictures with her digital camera. Viewing them now, on my laptop, I’m surprised by how diverse the population of this city really is. More than any other city in the world, it has this extreme polarity of human character traits. (I was actually reminded of that bar scene in the first Star Wars movie.) New York, despite it’s clean and well functioning appearance, has that crispy, in-your-face projection of individual autonomy, which I love.

*

Back in Norway, one of the first things I was confronted with was a series of articles in Norwegian media concerning the future of the Norwegian nation. While I was away, Bjørgulv Braanen, the chief editor of the far left daily Klassekampen, wrote:

“The Norwegian ‘nationalism’ has always been marked by popular, democratic and radical support. The Left should continue this support, especially in a situation where Capital attacks all political, social, cultural and national barriers that stand in the way of an uncontrolled accumulation of riches in the hands of the most wealthy.”

And consider his following piece of classical, leftist realpolitik:

“If the Left abandons the fight for the national identity, it will abandon a vital area of politics to the Right. This could be disastrous. That’s why we tomorrow [on the 17th of May] are going to sing the Norwegian national anthem ‘Ja vi elsker’ with great exultation.”

(You can read the words of that silly national anthem here.) Klassekampen represents the part of the Norwegian Left that never takes a clear position when it comes to religion or nationalism. If religious or nationalistic sentiments could be used for the gain of their Leftist cause, they would undoubtedly make use of it. This type of Left seeks power of other individuals’ culture and spirituality, which therefore makes their political stance no better than the right-wing elements who have the same thought-control approach.

I’m not a part of that Norwegian Left.

Ole Jørgen Anfindsen, a Christian theorist who on his website has expressed that he thinks that the United States of America “won’t survive this century unless it confronts the American immigration crisis”, also wrote hymns to the Norwegian nation while I was - in fact - standing in Union Square, Manhattan, enjoying that same American “crisis.” Concerning Norway, he wrote that too much "fresh blood" could dissolve Norwegians as an ethnic group. What a compassionate consideration he shows for the biological welfare of “my” group! Anfindsen wrote he wanted to see more “scientific research” in order to establish “if it was possible” that people of different ethnic backgrounds could be able to live together, side by side in peace. Our small US road trip made me loath such prejudice even more.

A friend wrote me an e-mail and tipped me off of another jubilant outburst from a Norwegian patriot in connection with the 17th of May. The quote went like this:

“One has to choose … Love of the fatherland is inseparable from the fact that Norway is a Christian nation. The battle of Stiklestad was not some event in a distant past: It is the recognition of King Olav as the eternal King of Norway [Saint Olaf of Norway]. Those who visit Nidarosdomen today still feel the presence of King Olav’s spirit.”

And thus he concluded:

“Norway as a nation is built on the fact that we have a Christian tradition.”

Naturally, I suspected these words were written by a member of a neo-nazi cult, but it turns out that the quote stemmed from Hans Rustad, the editor of the website Document.no. This site is officially dedicated to political analysis, but is practically dominated by commentators preoccupied with “defending” the nation from Islamism.

Funny how these people, when confronted with an ideology complete with “prophets” and demands of strict loyalty to rigorous values, choose to counter this menace by thinking: “Well, why don’t we revive our old prophets and demand loyalty to our national values!” After Rustad’s triumphant column on Norway’s Christian roots, an outright nationalistic and racist group called Norgespatriotene decided to link to Document.no from its front-page. The nationalists also wrote a unambiguous recommendation of the site, to Rustad's despair.

The 17th of May certainly seemed to inspire a lot of odd patriotism this year. Even the writer Nils Rune Langeland wrote a nostalgic piece about the Norwegian nation in the conservative weekly Dag og Tid, with formulations such as:

“In the future, we will realize what a civilizational luxury it was to have a homogenous nation state.”

Langeland seams to be of the opinion that the nation state is the ideal entity of politics and vigorous citizenry. Now he too fears that “we” will be conquered by immigration.

*

Of course, I wish these fellows all the best of luck with their identity projects. May they enjoy their tribal symbols and seek guidance from Jesus, the Spirit of Saint Olaf or whatever divine creature they choose. I’ve spent a fair amount of time debating their opinions over the past year. I’ve done so – not because I give a damn about their culture, or their faith – but because I wholeheartedly disagree with their underlying presumption: That ethnicity ought to be at the centre of politics.

Many of the important debates raging the European public these days are witness to an embarrassing lack of resolve in dealing with different versions of nationalism. Confronted by religious terrorism and problems of integration, a segment of the European public prefers to look back towards their old national and religious symbols. But there is an alternative strategy available: Europe could concentrate on giving fundamental rights to – and serve – individuals. Only. I believe that nations, as cultural communities, should not be granted fundamental rights parallel to human rights – in the same way religious communities ought not be granted such rights.

Europe has the option of moving closer towards the universal principles enshrined in the radical Constitution of the United States: Establishing principles that are granted the individual. This could easily be done without leaving behind the social rights found in our European social democratic economies. This, I believe, is the political strategy that will succeed in revitalizing Europe and create a foolproof resistance against chauvinism and religious evangelisation, two foes who mirror each other in both appearance and rhetoric.

*

While staying a motel room in Santa Fe, the night before visiting San Felipe Pueblo, the chief American interpreter at the Nuremberg trials in 1945, Richard Sonnenfeldt was interviewed by Charlie Rose on TV. Sonnenfeldt was a Jewish refugee fleeing Nazi-Germany in the 1930's, he became an American citizen and ended up serving the U.S. Army when in it conquered Germany. After watching his interview on Charlie Rose, I bought Sonnenfeldt’s book. In it, he writes about a revisit to Nuremberg in 2002, with his son Larry and granddaughter Sara. In front of an large German audience, he held a speech and fielded questions for an hour. In his book, he writes:

“I offered my hand to all who would be members of a human family with equal rights for everyone in a society, a nation, and a world that excludes only those who want to exclude themselves. The ovation that followed marked for me that I had been able to live my faith, in myself and in my fellow man.”

Our times, luckily, has seen few attempts at reviving the kind of poisonous nationalism that made Sonnenfeldt flee Germany. I second Sonnenfeldt’s use of the word “nation” in the paragraph above – as an offer to partake in a voluntary world community. Because I truly believe there is a growing number of people who see things the same way he does. The 17th of May hammered this point home for me. For me, it is impossible to choose being part that “nation” Sonnenfeldt envisions, while at the same time belonging a nation represented by the ideas of the Norwegian patriots mentioned above. I live in the same society as them, but I don't share their values.

Like I said, I have no business with these individuals’ cultural preferences. The core problem is that the structure of the European states are drawn along ethnic divides. The nation states – as the central political entities of European democracy – are in fact embodiments of special-interest groups, of the cultural communities of the dominant ethnic group. As a result, opponents of multiculturalism think that minorities ought to adopt the national culture. That would “solve” the question of how to successfully integrate immigrants, they believe. In Norway that would mean an assimilation to the Norwegian “national identity” and Norwegian cultural symbols. (This is a stance more far-reaching than natural requirements for immigrants to respect the laws of their new country, learn the language, work and pay taxes.)

But there are clear drawbacks to demanding loyality to national values. First, it interferes with the citizen’s right to freely choose its own culture and spirituality. Second, on the European level, it creates exactly the same type of cultural segregation that it seeks to avoid domestically: The opponents of multiculturalism are the proponents of European multinationalism. Third, by putting national interests first, it becomes difficult to generate popular support for international cooperation – something which is desperately needed in today’s world – just think of the environmental challenges, the fight against global terrorism and the need for majority voting in supranational decision-making.

Just as secularism has made European politics neutral on the question of individual belief, denationalisation would make politics neutral on the question of cultural identity. I should add that this need not reduce the political consensus necessary for safeguarding social equality, which is an organizational model of society which is treasured in Europe. It would neither reduce our national sentiments, because no person’s cultural preference would be threatened. Only the ability to achieve cultural domination would be abolished. Is the San Felipe Pueblo tribe constrained in their right to practice their culture within the United States of America? If Native Americans wish to live different lives, their individual rights are protected by the Constitution.

*

One of the first things I did after returning to Norway, was to visit my grandmother. She is 94 years old. Although she was in poor health, she was in good spirit. One day in the village, I ascended a mountain called Forollhogna. This mountain is not particularly soaring, by Norwegian standards, but the view is magnificent. There wasn’t living soul in sight from the peak. I had only met a couple of goats and some bumble bees on my way up. For half an hour I sat there, in silence. In the horizon, I could make out the mountain range of Rondane. To the east I could see all the way to Sweden. Shadows of clouds drifted slowly across the landscape. The lake at the bottom of the mountain was fluorescent blue – it looked as if it belonged to an artificial world. Patches of snow had not yet melted, nor would it melt, not this year, at least. Being alone in such a panoramic space, it removed all sense of political urgency in me. I felt the same way that I used to feel when I was young, that comforting feeling of being without ambition.

As I walked the rugged trail down from Forollhogna I recalled a night out on the town which I had this winter. My friend, Knut Sævik, had a concert with his electrojazz group at my favourite bar in Oslo. The keyboard player was a Russian pianist named Olga. She tried to convince me that Shostakovich was losing it when he wrote his 15th string quartet. Maybe she was right. The Chinese sax player who had an impro with the band studied at the music academy in Oslo. He couldn’t speak a word of Norwegian nor English. He liked cigarettes, though, and out in the freezing cold we had a smoke after the gig. He pointed at the stars in the black winter night, smiled and said something unintelligible. I talked briefly to Manuele Fior, an Italian artist living in Norway that had released a new comics album, Icarus. (He illustrated one of my articles a few years back.) It was a great night, and afterwards I thought of how this night in many ways was a sort of experience which I’m sure quite a few young Europeans can relate to: Going out, meeting people from different backgrounds, having conversations that shift smoothly between different languages, having the sensation that everything is open for discussion, that this is something completely natural, not some kind of quasi-diplomatic cultural exchange program. I wouldn’t attach much significance to such an trivial experience, other than to mention how much more obscure the writings of the national patriots seemed when I read them on the Net the following day. This recollection of a night of European normality is – for me – a vardøger.

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